Krieg und Klerus: Über die soziale Stellung der Kirche im Mittelalter

  1. Einleitung

 

Das Problem der sozialen Stellung der Kirche in der europäischen Gesellschaft des Mittelalters ist für die durchschnittlichen modernen Menschen, die ihr Leben nicht dazu verwenden, die Verhältnisse dieser geschichtlichen Periode gründlich zu studieren, durchaus faszinierend, aber auch oft so gut wie unverständlich. In der Regel tendiert man dazu, zu denken, daß die Kirche entweder eine völlig homogene und bewußt heuchlerische Institution war, die eine herrschende Klasse im wirtschaftlichen Sinne bildete, und deren Macht praktisch unbegrenzt war, oder daß sie (dem öffentlichen Bild der heutigen katholischen Kirche ähnlich) „nur“ eine ideologische und „neutrale“ Macht darstellte, die eher am Rande der tatsächlichen Machtzentren der Gesellschaft „geistliche“ Arbeit leistete, und in der Verbrechen, gewalttätige Machtkämpfe und Ausschreitungen sowie das sehr weltliche Streben ihrer Mitglieder nach politischem und wirtschaftlichem Einfluß in einem extrem unegalitären System nur unbeabsichtigte Nebenerscheinungen und Abweichungen von dem kirchlichen Ideal waren.

Abgeleitete historische Fragen über die Stellung der mittelalterlichen Kirche zur Wissenschaft, zum System der Leibeigenschaft, zu den verschiedenen Königen, Kaisern und hohen Adligen des Abendlandes, zu den alltäglichen politischen und wirtschaftlichen weltlichen „Geschäften“ der Herrscher und der Bevölkerung, zum Krieg, usw., können wahrscheinlich nur sinnvoll erörtert werden, wenn man sich von den beiden oben erwähnten häufigen Sichtweisen wenigstens teilweise befreit und der dialektischen Analyse der menschlichen Geschichte gegenüber offen bleibt. Vielleicht wichtiger als das ist, daß die Erörterung der ideologischen und materiellen Position der Kirche zu diesen Nebenfragen möglicherweise die grundlegende Frage erhellen kann, die (wie schon oben beschrieben) gleichzeitig faszinierend und fast deprimierend komplex ist: was die Kirche im Mittelalter tatsächlich war, das heißt, was für eine Rolle sie in der Klassengesellschaft spielte, wie sie in die Lage kam, diese Rolle zu spielen, was davon noch übrig bleibt, usw.

In seinem monumentalen Werk Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter versucht Friedrich Prinz nicht, diese grundlegende Frage ausdrücklich zu beantworten, sondern eben (wie der Titel des Buches verspricht) sich auf eine umfassende Darstellung und Analyse der konkreten Problematik „Kirche und Krieg“ in ihrer historischen Entwicklung zu beschränken. Das gelingt ihm, indem er einen Schwerpunkt auf die komplexe und widersprüchliche Beziehung zwischen den kirchlichen Normen und dem realen Verlauf der Ereignisse setzt. Dazu muß er eine ziemlich ausführliche Beschreibung der wechselnde Rolle der Kirche in der abendländischen Gesellschaft des Frühmittelalters machen, von dem Untergang des römischen Reiches bis zum Ende der karolingischen Zeit. Um seine irgendwie rethorische Frage darüber, ob „es sich bei den kriegerischen Tätigkeiten der Geistlichen im Mittelalter um Ausnahmeerscheinungen [handelte]“, oder ob „bestimmte politische, gesellschaftliche und geistige Voraus-setzungen dazu geführt [haben], daß die Kirche und kriegerischer Reichdienst für Jahrhunderte in eine schier unauflösliche Verbindung traten“, zu beantworten, muß er dann eben diese Voraussetzungen untersuchen, sowie schon ganz am Anfang festlegen, daß „mehr noch als in anderen Epochen […] die Kirche des Mittelalters das geistliche Korrelat der Gesamtgesellschaft und ihrer Struktur [war], so daß unter dem ‚Überbau‘ dogmatischer Einheit und Geschlossenheit mehrere Kirchenbegriffe, jeweils bezogen auf bestimmte Gesellschaftsschichten, durchschimmern“1.

Was ich bei der Verfassung dieser Hausarbeit beabsichtige ist, grob und mit gelegentlicher Hilfe einiger wichtigen Quellen und Bücher der sekundären Literatur diese Beschreibung der Entwicklung der tatsächlichen Position der Kirche in der Klassengesellschaft des Mittelalters zusammenzufassen, die von Prinz vor allem im zweiten und dritten Kapitel seines Buches behandelt wird. Dafür werde ich grundlegende Gedankenlinien seiner Arbeit erkennen und darstellen müssen, ohne den Lesern so viele Beispiele und konkrete Referenzen zum normativen Kontext und zu den Quellen zu vermitteln, wie er es tat. Ich werde dann mit dieser Hausarbeit nicht versuchen, neue Kenntnisse zur Frage „Kriegsgeschichte der Kirche im Frühmittelalter“ zu bringen -was mir im Kontext eines Proseminars sowieso nicht möglich wäre-, und nicht einmal einen systematischen Vergleich der Bücher und Aufsätze durchzuführen, die zum Thema geschrieben worden sind, sondern eine Art Literaturbericht, eine Vogelperspektive, so zu sagen, dieses Meilensteins der Forschung zu schreiben.

 

  • Die Antike wird zum Mittelalter – Die Kirche am Wendepunkt

 

Das Jahr 313, in dem der nach langen Kämpfen gerade an die Macht gelangte christliche Kaiser Constantin sein Toleranzedikt von Mailand erließ, mit dem das Christentum nach zehn Jahren diokletianischer Verfolgung in der Praxis als die neue Staatsreligion Roms anerkannt wurde, wird oft als das Jahr zitiert, in dem der deutliche Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter begann2. Tatsächlich gab es im IV. und V. Jahrhundert zwei parallele und miteinander verbundene Prozesse, die für den weiteren Verlauf der Geschichte Europas von enormen Bedeutung sein würden: auf der einen Seite der allmähliche Untergang Roms und seiner hochentwickelten staatlichen Organe als Zentralverwaltung des Imperiums, und auf der anderen Seite die schon erwähnte neue, immer stärkere und bewußtere Rolle der christlichen Kirche als die offizielle Staatskirche. Beide Prozesse führten zu dem, was Prinz eine „Aristokratisierung der Kirche“ nennt, womit er meint, daß es bei den Adligen senatorischer Herkunft im ganzen römischen Reich, aber vor allem in Gallien, wo das Scheitern der römischen Zentralherrschaft am offensichtlichsten war, ein wahres Interesse am Eintritt in die Kirche gab, da sie noch die Möglichkeit bot, eine „Karriere“ zu machen, in Zeiten, in denen die bisherigen politischen Organe des Staates den einflußsuchenden Adligen keine Zukunft mehr anzubieten hatten.

Prinz erinnert uns daran, daß die Lieblingssportarten der Adligen immer die Jagd und der Krieg gewesen sind3, aber das reicht nicht aus, um das Wachstum der kriegerischen Tätigkeit der Geistlichen dieser neuen aristokratisierten Kirche zu erklären. Die Invasionen der Barbaren und die ansteigende Ineffizienz des römischen Zentralstaats machten es notwendig, sich rasch und lokal um typische Staatsaufgaben wie die Bauwerke, die Steuerpolitik und eben auch (und vor allem) die Verteidigung zu kümmern. Wie schnell und langfristig die Auswirkungen, die diese Aristokratisierung der Kirche und ihrer ursächlichen Faktoren im Bereich des Kriegsdienstes haben würden, wird von Carl Erdmann in seinem Buch Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens angedeutet: „Von einer kriegerischen Wirksamkeit der Kirche konnte in einer Zeit, wo der Staat noch heidnisch und das Christentum bestenfalls geduldet war, niemals die Rede sein […] Unter Konstantin änderte sich die Lage. Die neue Staatskirche erklärte nicht nur den Heeresdienst im allgemeinen für unanstößig, sondern gewöhnte sich rasch daran, daß sie selbst über die Gewaltmittel des Staats verfügen könne“4.

In der Tat erzählt uns Prinz Teile der Geschichte des Martins von Tours (ca. 315-397), der diese Wende der Kirchengeschichte miterlebte und besonders exemplarisch bekämpfte. Als christlicher Soldat in der römischen Armee wurde er im Kontext einer Schlacht gegen die Alemannen vor der Entscheidung konfrontiert, „entweder als Christ Blut zu vergießen oder als Feigling verdächtigt“ und bestraft zu werden. Er zog (nach der Version von Prinz) unbewaffnet ins Feld, um dann durch ein Wunder den Sieg für die Römer zu erringen, ohne selbst töten zu müssen5. Dieses bewußte altchristliche Verhalten (das ihn zu einem der repräsentativsten Heiligen der Antike eben trotz seines Kriegerstandes gemacht hat) setzte er fort, als er schon lange Bischof von Tours und eine bekannte Persönlichkeit der Kirche geworden war. Schließlich kam es dazu, daß er im Konzil zu Bordeaux (387) harte Auseinandersetzungen um die Frage der Verurteilung und staatliche Verfolgung der Priscillianer (eine häretische Sekte, die im heutigen Südfrankreich und in Spanien in jenen Jahren blühte) gegen praktisch alle andere Bischöfe führte. Obwohl Martin die Priscillianer auch als häretisch verurteilen wollte, war er gegen die deutliche Tendenz der Kirche, sich für „geistliche“ Zwecke der staatlichen Organe zu bedienen, und gegebenfalls den Staat selbst zu ersetzen – mit anderen Worten, gegen die Aristokratisierung und die damit verbundene „Verstaatlichung“ der Kirche. Der Kampf endete mit der Niederlage Martins, der selbst verdächtigt wurde, häretisch zu sein, und der danach „bis zu seinem Tode jeder Synode fern [blieb]“6.

Das Martin diametral entgegengesetzte Beispiel könnte Hilarius von Arles (401-449) gewesen sein, der dafür bekannt war, eigenmächtig (das heißt natürlich mit Hilfe seiner Armee von Vasallen) und durch Waffen in Südgallien Bischöfe absetzen und sie durch Geistliche seines Machtzirkels ersetzen zu lassen. Nur dem Papst Leo dem Großen (nachdem er von zwei abgesetzten Bischöfen über diese Lage benachrichtigt wurde) gelang es, eine Verurteilung dieses „kriegerischen“ Bischofes zu erreichen… obwohl Hilarius große Unterstützung seitens vieler gallischer Bischöfe und römischer Adliger bekam, die wahrscheinlich in einer Einschränkung seiner Macht einen Angriff gegen die Macht eines jedens von ihnen sahen. Interessant ist dabei, wie Prinz bemerkt, daß Leo in seinem Brief „nicht das Kommando über Truppen an sich verurteilte, sondern lediglich deren Eingreifen in die inneren Angelegenheiten anderer Bistümer“7. Allerdings war er selbst ein Aristokrat aus der Toskana, der sich mehrmals der staatlichen Gewalt bedient hatte (zum Beispiel bei der Verfolgung der Manichäer oder selbst beim oben eingeführten Streit gegen Hilarius) und der eine entscheidende Rolle bei den Verhandlungen mit den Hunnen und der Bekämpfung der Vandalen in Rom spielte.

Das totale Scheitern der Zentralverwaltung Roms in der zweiten Hälfte des V. Jahrhunderts führte dazu, daß die auf den Adligen Galliens basierende bischöfliche Herrschaft, die sich rasch während der Zeit des Untergangs herausgebildet hatte, die Staatsverwaltung in den antiken römischen civitates nicht nur weiter ergänzte, sondern vollkommen ersetzte. Die Bischöfen waren dazu in der Lage, weil die Kirche im V. und VI. Jahrhundert die einzige „relativ festgefügte Organisation“ war, die „Exekutivorgane“ zur Verfügung hatte, um die Aufgaben des zerfallenen Staates zu übernehmen. Prinz betont aber auch ausdrücklich, daß diese Entwicklung der regionalen Herrschaft der Bischöfe zugute kam, die jetzt die alleinstehende politische Spitze ihrer Bistümer wurden, da die Kirche keine überregionalen Verwaltungsorgane hatte, außer den Synoden, die sowieso unregelmäßig stattfanden. Im allgemeinen kann man nach Prinz sagen, daß der durchschnittliche Bischof zur Zeit der Vollendung des Untergangs Roms in seiner Region eigenmächtig geworden war, mit dem König, und niemand außer dem König, als direktem politischen Partner oder Gegner8.

 

  • Die Kirche unter spätmerowingischer und frühkarolingischer Herrschaft

 

Die Herrschaft der Dynastie der Merowinger hing im VI. und VII. Jahrhundert davon ab, daß sie es zeitweilig schaffte, sich auf „zwei getrennte Herrschafts- und Sozialstrukturen“ zu stützen, nämlich auf den frankischen Adel, dessen Macht sich hauptsächlich auf die ländlichen Gebiete erstreckte, und auf die in den antiken civitates und überwiegend von gallorömischen Adligen besetzten Bistümer[9]. Die Bischofsämter waren auf diese Weise für die Merowinger eine wichtige „Gelenkstelle, mit deren Hilfe die antike gallorömische Aristokratie der fränkischen Königsherrschaft eingegliedert wurde“[10]. Damit wurde erreicht, daß diese Aristokratie sich dem neuen Reich unterordnete, insofern sie ihre politisch herrschende Funktion auf der regionalen Ebene fortsetzen konnte[11]. Gleichzeitig aber gefährdete die steigende regionale Macht der Bischöfe in den Städten die königliche Herrschaft selbst. In einer solchen Situation blieb dem König nur übrig, möglichst energisch zu versuchen, auf die Besetzung der Bistümer Einfluß zu nehmen.

Die Merowinger hatten aber keine soziale Macht, um diesen entscheidenden Einfluß gewinnen zu können. Allerdings ist die Regel im VI. und VII. Jahrhundert, daß die Bischöfe sogar formell die Autorität der königlichen comes (die Regionalkommisare mit Vollmacht in juristischen, fiskalischen und militärischen Sachen) in Frage stellten und sich zu tatsächlichen comes der Städte entwickelten, also zu Selbstherrscher „eigenständiger Organismen“, die in der Praxis immer weniger der fränkischen Königsherrschaft untergeordnet waren.

In diesem Kontext war es nicht mehr verwunderlich, daß die Bischöfe ihre eigene Heere hatten, und daß sie diese Heere eigenwillig gegen ihre Gegner, also oft auch gegen die Streitkräfte anderer Bischöfe, einsetzten. Prinz erforscht sogar Quellen über die Heiligen dieser Periode des Mittelalters und zieht die Schlußfolgerung, daß die kriegerische Tätigkeit eines Bischofs seit dem VII. Jahrhundert von der kirchlichen Oberschicht nicht nur als normal, sondern sogar als positiv empfunden war[12]. Dementsprechend wurde es zu dieser Zeit festgestellt, daß es auch nur noch für Adlige möglich war, Heilige zu werden.

Die Zunahme bischöflicher Macht, die gleichzeitig einen Desintegrationsprozeß des Reiches beinhaltete, wurde durch die Machtübernahme der Karolinger gestoppt, die eine regelrechte und sprunghafte „Frankisierung des Episkopats“ zugunsten des Austrienadels durchführten, um den Einfluß der antiken gallorömischen Aristokratie effektiv zu brechen und die zersplitterten städtischen Herrschaften „einzustaaten“. Dabei benutzten sie oft den Kanon der Kirche zum Waffentragen und zur Kriegsführung und Jagd als Feigenblatt für die Absetzung, die Verbannung und die Festnahme der gallorömischen Bischöfe, die eine zu große „weltliche Macht“ ausübten (wie Eucharius von Orleans oder Ainmar von Auxerre)[13], aber es ist klar, daß es ihnen nicht um eine Verbesserung der kirchlichen Verhältnisse und der Praxis der hohen Geistlichen ging, sondern darum, endlich die Kontrolle über die antiken civitates zu gewinnen. Allerdings verstärkte sich durch diese erfolgreiche Unterordnung der Bischofsämter der militärische Einsatz der Geistlichen, aber zur Zeit Karl Martells, dessen Vater Pippin ein entscheidendes Verteidigungsbündnis mit dem Papstum geschlossen hatte, „tritt die militärische Kraft des Episkopats fast nur noch im Dienste der Könige in Aktion“, und, wie Erdmann in seinem oben bereits zitierten Werk bemerkt, „auch die eigentlichen königlichen Befugnisse wie Heerführung und Friedenswahrung wurden nun kirchlich aufgefaßt; als vornehmste Aufgabe des Herrschers galt die Verteidigung und oft auch die Ausbreitung des Christentums“[14]. Aus den eigenständigen bischöflichen Herrschern der civitates waren Reichsbischöfe geworden; aus der Kirche eine Reichskirche. Und das, was in merowingischen Zeiten als eine „Mangelerscheinung“ des kanonischen Rechts betrachtet war, nämlich die kontinuierliche kriegerische Tätigkeit der Geistlichen, war eine Pflicht, ein militärischer Reichsdienst geworden[15].

 

  • Der Höhepunkt des Reichsdienstes – Karl der Große und das servitium regis

 

Diese neue Reichskirche und ihren Kriegsdienst für das Reich wurde von Karl dem Großen, unter anderen durch seine „gesetzgeberischen“ Kapitularien, voll institutionalisiert, wie es in seinem Brief an Abt Fulrad zu sehen ist[16], der irgendwann zwischen den Jahren 804 und 811 verfasst wurde, in dem der König diesem hohen Geistlichen befiehlt, sich mit seinen bewaffneten Männern („cum hominibus tuis bene armatis“) bis Mitte Juli vorzustellen. Die Waffen, die Werkzeuge und die Lebensmittel, die diese Männer mit sich führen mußten, und die, die schon im voraus zum königlichen Heer vom Abt geschickt werden sollten, werden von Karl im Brief genau bestimmt, und es wird dem Abt explizit gesagt, daß er für seine Truppen verantwortlich ist, und daß sie nur Wasser, Holz und Futter von der Bevölkerung mit auf den Weg nehmen dürfen, und auf keinen Fall Plünderungen durchführen sollten[17]. Am Ende des Briefes betont Karl, daß der Abt „um die herrscherliche Gnade willen“ kein Versäumnis eintreten lassen soll[18], und zwar mit einem etwas bedrohlichen Ton („Vide ut nullam negligentiam exinde habeas, sicut gratiam nostram velis habere“).

Dieser Brief, der von Prinz als ein „Einberufungsbefehl“ betrachtet wird, sowie andere Dokumente und Kapitularien der Zeit zeigen eindeutig, daß „aus der ‚gefolgschaftsmäßigen‘ freiwilligen Kriegsbeteiligung von Adelsbischöfen um Karl Martell […] nunmehr eine feste, sachlich genau umgrenzte Dienstpflicht geworden [war]: das servitium regis[19]. Zunächst war dieses servitium regis eine schwere Last für die hohen Geistlichen, die nun dazu verpflichtet waren, große materielle Risiken im Kriegsfall (was unter der Herrschaft Karl des Großen fast immer der Fall war) in Kauf zu nehmen, ja sogar ihr Leben für den König aufs Spiel zu setzen. Der Papst Hadrian I reagierte mit einem sanften Protestbrief (784/91), und einige Bischöfe ließen auch Karl von ihrem Widerstand gegen die neue Situation wissen[20]. Unter Karl dem Großen, dem „sakralen König“, der nach dem Muster Davids die kirchliche und die weltliche Gewalt in sich vereinigte (was seine häufigen Interventionen zu Fragen der Moral und des Dogmas erklären kann, wie Smalley schreibt)[21], und dessen Reich in einer Lage war, „die der der altorientalischen Völker mit ihrem Zusammenfallen von Religion und Staat bzw. Volkstum sehr ähnlich sah“[22], konnte aber eine solche Dienstpflicht als zu schwer aber nicht als unkirchlich gesehen werden, vor allem (und im Gegensatz zu bei den späteren karolingischen Brüderkriegen) wenn es darum ging, gegen die Heiden zu kämpfen. Der effektive Widerstand gegen das servitium regis war also unmöglich.

Wichtig dabei ist, nicht zu vergessen, daß die Geistlichen, die versuchten, gegen das servitium regis vorzugehen, es in der Regel nicht aus Ablehnung der Gewalt oder aus altchristlicher Gesinnung taten, sondern deshalb, weil sie für sich selbst und für ihre regionale Herrschaft kämpfen wollten, und nicht für den König. Selbst der Papst Hadrian I, der sich (wie es oben erwähnt wurde) durch einen Brief gegen die Politik Karls stellte, hatte einige Jahre vor dem Verfassen dieses Briefes den ersten päpstlichen Angriffskrieg der Geschichte mit eigenem Heer geführt[23].

2.4. Die Spaltung der Kirche entlang Klassenlinien und die letzten Jahre von Karl dem Großen

Durch seine Kapitularien, und als eine Voraussetzung für die Entstehung dieses servitium regis, hatte Karl der Große die faktische Spaltung der Kirche entlang Klassenlinien, also zwischen der oberen Adelskirche, die die mächtigste Stütze des Reiches war und sein mußte, und der regulären Kleruskirche, deren Rechte (wie es weiter unten exemplarisch beleuchtet wird) extrem eingeschränkt waren, vollendet, nachdem diese Spaltung sich eigentlich jahrhundertelang und seit dem Anfang der „Aristokratisierung der Kirche“ weiter entwickelt hatte. Der Sonderstatus des hohen Episkopats, die „Herrschaft des Adels in der Kirche und im frühmittelalterlichen Mönchtum […], gegen die sich erst seit der Kirchenreform des Hochmittelalters und dann vor allem durch das neue Kirchenverständnis der Bettelorden eine grundsätzliche Kritik artikulierte”[24], basierte eben auf der Kriegspflicht.

So kommt es dazu, daß in den Kapitularien das klassische Verbot des Waffentragens und der Jagd für Priester und Diakonen wiederholt wird, während die Bischöfe und die Äbte, deren Situation sonst nicht selten in diesen Texten behandelt wird, in diesem Kontext gar nicht erwähnt werden. Besonders wichtig und repräsentativ ist die Admonitio generalis vom Jahre 789, in der Karl auf die Gehorsamspflicht des Klerus und des Mönchtums gegenüber der höheren Geistlichkeit eingeht, und betont, daß alle conspirationes dem niederen Klerus verboten sind, sowie das Waffentragen[25]. Diese zwei ausdrückliche Verbote, die strenger und einschränkender als je zu einer Zeit wiederholt wurden, als die Bischöfe und Äbte regelmäßig an kriegerischen Feldzügen teilnehmen mußten, deuten auf eine große und gefährliche Spannung in den Reihen der Zwei-Stufen-Kirche. In der Tat zieht Prinz aus dieser Quelle die Schlußfolgerung, daß Karl seine Kapitularien als Instrument zum Schutz des hohen Episkopats benutzen mußte, da sein Reich letztendlich auf die Struktur und die militärische Macht des Episkopats basierte[26].

Die Machtstellung der oberen Kirche auf der regionalen Ebene war aber immer noch eine Realität, die nur von einem mächtigen Herrscher wie Karl dem Großen unter Kontrolle behalten werden konnte. Um genauer zu sein, muß man sagen, daß die Machtzunahme der Adligenkirche sogar die Herrschaft Karls in eine Krisensituation stürzte, wie die Kapitularien von 811 (kurz vor seinem Tod) beweisen. In diesen Texten, die Prinz als die „bittersten Vorwürfe gegen die Praxis und Lebensführung der Bischöfe […], die in karolingischen Zeiten ausgesprochen wurden“ bezeichnet, klagt Karl das Episkopat wegen „Beraubung der pauperes, Bestechung der Laien durch Reliquientransaktionen und unnötigen Kirchenbauten, unrechtmäßiger Besitzerwerb durch Androhung himmlischer Strafen, maßlose Habgier des Klerus“ und wegen seiner „hoffnungslosen Verstrickung in weltliche Dinge“, unter anderen Sünden, an[27]. All diese „Verbrechen“, sowie Karls Anwendung des Begriffs potestas (der eine sehr konkrete territoriale Bedeutung beinhaltete) für die Bezeichnung der Jurisdiktion der einzelnen Bischöfe, waren Symptome der wieder steigenden Unabhängigkeit der Macht der Bischöfe und Äbte, gegen die Karl unter dem Vorwand eines Kampfes gegen die oppressiones pauperum aber eigentlich zur Verteidigung seiner eigenen Rolle als König etwas unternehmen mußte. Sein Handlungsspielraum und seine Chancen, die Macht der lokalen Kirchenherrscher seiner Macht völlig unterzuordnen, waren aber mehr als begrenzt, da die sozialen Umstände der Zeit dem Zentralismus bei weitem nicht entsprachen, und (wie oben schon erwähnt) weil die Instrumentalisierung der Kirche als mächtige und bewaffnete Reichskirche ein sine qua non des karolingischen Frankenreiches war, und weil das hohe Episkopat „der bei weitem wichtigste Zweig der Reichsaristokratie“ war[28].

Allerdings kollabierte der dünne Überbau der karolingischen Herrschaft nach dem Tode Karls des Großen, und die Tendenz zur Belebung der unkontrollierten Regionalherrschaft der Bischöfe und Äbte setzte sich unter dem enormen Druck der karolingischen Brüderkriege und der Invasionen der Heiden im IX. Jahrhundert sprunghaft fort, die es notwendig machten, regional um das bloße Überleben zu kämpfen. Und im Bezug auf die Teilnahme der Geistlichen an Heerfahrten schreibt Erben in seiner Kriegsgeschichte des Mittelalters: „Von den Kriegen gegen die Normannen, die Staufer, das aufständische Sizilien geht bis an den Beginn der Neuzeit […] eine ununterbrochene Kette von Kriegen, an denen die Päpste in irgendwelcher Form beteiligt sind, für die sie Geld, Truppen und Führer stellen. Und wie in Rom, so ist es selbstverständlich auch in den von dort geleiteten Diözesen des ganzen westlichen und mittleren Europas gegangen, überall haben, wie etwa bei den Sachsenkriegen unter Karl Martell, bei dem Ungarnkrieg des bayerischen Stammes, bei den Heerfahrten deutscher Kaiser in Italien usw. geistliche Männer mitgekämpft, ja in den ersten Reihen gestanden“[29].

 

  1. Schluß

 

Daß mittelalterliche Geistliche im Krieg teilgenommen haben scheint einigen heutzutage wieder eine „Mangelerscheinung“ des christlichen Rechts gewesen zu sein vor dem hintergrund der Entwicklung der letzten 500 Jahre, und nicht zuletzt wegen der Reform und der französischen Revolution, die die Macht der Kirche stark reduzierten. Das Verdienst von Prinz ist, in seinem Buch die Ursachen eines komplexen und wechselnden politischen und wirtschaftlichen Systems zu untersuchen, die zu dieser Teilnahme im Krieg und zu dieser „unbegrenzten“ Macht führten, gegen die sogar Karl der Große am Ende seines Lebens vergeblich kämpfen mußte, ohne dabei die Kirche als einen echten Vertreter Gottes auf der Erde zu betrachten, aber auch ohne sie aufgrund eines angeblichen Verrats des „christlichen Ideals“ zu dämonisieren. Das „christliche Ideal“ wird in der Tat von Prinz so gut wie nicht erwähnt, und indem es meistens als ein Vorwand der Teilnehmer an interadligen Machtkämpfen behandelt wird, gehört es in diesem Kontext praktisch bloß zu den ideologischen Waffen der herrschenden Klassen und Kasten der verschiedenen Gesellschaften der Geschichte. Eine erschöpfende und systematische Analyse der existierenden Quellen und ein ausschließlich auf die Fakten des Kampfes zwischen Aristokraten für die politische Macht in der mittelalterlichen Gesellschaft zentrierten Blick sind die zwei Eigenschaften der Vorgehensweise des Autors, die diese Arbeit so wesentlich für das Studium des Mittelalters machen – wie ich mit dieser Vogelperspektive, ja kurze aber nicht unkritische Wiedergabe, zu betonen beabsichtigte. Die Antwort auf die Frage, was die Kirche tatsächlich war, im umfassendsten Sinne des Wortes, muß man aber bei anderen, besseren Arbeiten als diese (und ja sogar vielleicht als die von Prinz) suchen.

 

  1. Verzeichnis der benutzten Literatur

 

Quellen

 

  • Die Schriften des Sulpicius Severus über den Heiligen Martinus (Bischof von Tours), aus dem Lateinischen übersetzt von P. Pius Bihlmeyer, Bibliothek der Kirchenväter, Band 20, München 1914.
  • Admonitio generalis (789), Karoli ad fulradum abbatem epistola (804/811), Capitula de causis cum episcopis et abbatibus tractandis (811), Capitula de rebus exercitalibus in placito tractanda (811) aus Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH), Legum Sectio II, Capitularia Regum Francorum, Tomus I, Hannover 1883.

 

Sekundäre Literatur

 

  • Erben, Wilhelm, Kriegsgeschichte des Mittelalters, München 1929.
  • Erdmann, Carls, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, Stuttgart 1965 (1935).
  • Goetz, Hans-Werner, Proseminar Geschichte: Mittelalter, Stuttgart 1993.
  • Pernoud, Régine, Die Heiligen im Mittelalter, Gladbach 1984.
  • Prinz, Friedrich, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter – Untersuchungen zur Rolle der Kirche beim Aufbau der Königsherrschaft, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Band 2, Stuttgart 1971.
  • Prinz, Friedrich (Hrsg.), Mönchtum und Gesellschaft im Frühmittelalter, Darmstadt 1976.
  • Smalley, Beryl (Hrsg.), Trends in Medieval Political Thought, Oxford 1965.

1 Beide Zitate aus den Seiten 3 und 4 von Prinz, Friedrich, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter – Untersuchungen zur Rolle der Kirche beim Aufbau der Königsherrschaft, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, Band 2, Stuttgart 1971.

2 Goetz, Hans-Werner, Proseminar Geschichte: Mittelalter, Stuttgart 1993, S. 24.

3 Prinz, op.cit., S. 38.

4 Erdmann, Carl, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, Stuttgart 1965 (1935), S. 3.

5 Prinz, op. cit., S.39. Im Gegensatz dazu wird die Geschichte bei der Vita S. Martini des Sulpicius Severus so erzählt, als hätte Martin nur vorgeschlagen, unbewaffnet ins Feld zu ziehen, da seine Vorgesetzte dazu neigten, seinen „Entschluß der Feigheit und nicht der Glaubenstreue zu[zu]schreiben“. Daraufhin wurde er verhaftet, „damit er sein Wort wahr mache und sich waffenlos den Barbaren entgegenstelle“. Vor dem Anfang der Schlacht schickten aber die Alemannen „Gesandte zu Friedensverhandlungen und ergaben sich mit Hab und Gut“ – was Sulpicius Severus als ein eindeutiges Wunder des Heiligen bezeichnet (!): „Gott hätte in seiner Güte seinen Streiter freilich auch inmitten der feindlichen Schwerter und Geschosse unversehrt erhalten können. Aber um das Auge des Heiligen auch nicht durch den Tod anderer zu verletzen, ließ Gott es nicht zum Kampfe kommen“. Siehe Die Schriften des Sulpicius Severus über den Heiligen Martinus (Bischof von Tours), übersetzt von P. Pius Bihlmeyer, Bibliothek der Kirchenväter, Band 20, München 1914, S. 25. Im siebten Band vom Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche wird die ganze Episode einfach weggelassen.

6 Prinz, op. cit., S. 40-41.

7 Ibid, S.43.

8 Ibid, S.57.

[9] Auf der Seite 52 seines Buches Die Heiligen im Mittelalter betont Régine Pernoud, daß „entgegen herkömmlicher Meinungen […] der christliche Glaube vor allem in den Städten Fuß [faßte], war also eine städtische Religion. Die ländlichen Gebiete waren eine Art ‚christliches Niemandsland‘, wo die keltische Bevölkerung ihren jahrtausendalten Kulten verhaftet blieb“.

[10] Prinz, op. cit., S. 50.

[11] Dazu ist interessant, aber innerhalb einer kurzen „vogelperspektivischen“ Hausarbeit nicht nur eher irrelevant sondern auch viel zu komplex, sich an die Diskussion zur „Kontinuität zwischen Antike und Mittelalter“ zu erinnern. Prinz selbst schreibt auf der Seite 3 seiner Einleitung zur von ihm herausgegebenen Aufsatzsammlung Mönchtum und Gesellschaft im Frühmittelalter, daß „das Mönchtum, wie die Kirche in ihrer Gesamtheit, […] hier insofern eine zentrale Rolle [spielten], als beide für die religiös vertretbare Filterung und Neubereitung antiken Bildungsgutes verantwortlich waren und ebenso für dessen Einordnung in ein dogmatisch immer stärker verfestigtes Koordinatensystem christlicher Grundwerte“. Was diese Rede über „Bildungsgut“ mit dem Thema „Kirche und Krieg“ zu tun hat, wird anschaulich, wenn man bei Prinz auch über das Interesse karolingischer Klöster an der antiken Kriegskunst und an das Werk des Vegetius De re militaria liest, das trotz der Kostbarkeit des Schreibmaterials im Frühmittelalter so häufig kopiert wurde, daß man „in diesem Eindringen wissenschaftlicher Kriegsliteratur mehr […] als die wahllose Rezeption antiken Traditionsgutes [sehen muß]“ (Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S. 111-112).

[12] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S.58-59.

[13] Ibid, S. 62-63.

[14] Erdmann, op. cit., S. 19-20.

[15] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter , S.65.

[16] Ibid, S.74-75 / Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH), Legum Sectio II, Capitularia Regum Francorum, Tomus I, Hannover 1883, S.168.

[17] Erdmann, op. cit., „Rauben und Plündern war die Sünde des Kriegsmanns; hielt er sich davon fern, so hatte man ihm weiter nichts Besonders mehr zu sagen“, S.15.

[18] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S. 75.

[19] Ibid, S. 79.

[20] Ibid, S.12/79-80.

[21] Smalley, Beryl (Hsg.), Trends in Medieval Political Thought, Oxford 1965, S.29.

[22] Erdmann, op. cit., S.19-20.

[23] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S.80.

[24] Aus dem Vorwort von Prinz für Mönchtum und Gesellschaft im Frühmittelalter, S.5.

[25] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S.91-92 / Die Admonitio generalis findet man in MGH, Legum Sectio II, Capitularia Regum Francorum, Tomus I, S. 52-62.

[26] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S. 92/99. Zum Thema schreibt Prinz auch im Mönchtum und Gesellschaft im Frühmittelalter: „Das Mönchtum und seine tragende Rolle in der Organisationsform der Reichsklöster und der zum servitium regis verpflichteten anderen karolingischen Großklöster markiert am klarsten den Weg von einer bewußten christlichen Outsider-Position zu einer zentralen Stellung im Aufbau der geschichtlichen Welt des Frühmittelalters“ (S. 5).

[27] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S. 95-96 / Die Quellen befinden sich in MGH, Legum Sectio II, Capitularia Regum Francorum, Tomus I, S. 162-167.

[28] Prinz, Klerus und Krieg im früheren Mittelalter, S. 98.

[29] Erben, Wilhelm, Kriegsgeschichte des Mittelalters, München 1929, S. 54-55.

(Trabajo escrito en el año 1999).

(Crédito de imagen de thumbnail: http://mittelaltergazette.de/10432/wissenswertes/krankheiten-im-mittelalter-hautkrankheiten-ausschlag/. Crédito de imagen de inicio de post: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/St%C3%A4ndeordnung).

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