An analysis of Eastman Johnson’s painting, “Negro Life at the South” (1859), in its historical context

Roberto Ponce Cordero, ,

  1. Introduction

 

Negro Life at the South (1859 – App. 1) by Eastman Johnson (1824-1906), a master of early realism in American art, is undoubtedly one of the most important and famous American paintings of the nineteenth century. This, however, is in my opinion not mainly due to its “abstract” aesthetic value, even granting that this value may be considerable, if not even great. In this paper, I will try to sustain the thesis that the celebrity and relevance of the painting are much more a result of its subject matter or, more precisely, of the tension between the representation of this subject matter and the historical period this work of art was created in than they are the result of its specific technical features or of any other “intrinsic” properties it may have. Notwithstanding its hypotetical “beauty”, I believe that, would art history really narrowly be defined in the most semantic way, and thus be only a systematic catalogue of links in an evolutionary chain of art works, or even a catalogue of random events and moments in a chaotic profusion of artistic artifacts or “texts”, but in any case the study of art as a totally separate or truly independent sphere, a painting like Negro Life at the South would not be remembered at the beginning of our century, and much less be considered a “classic”. But art and art history are, of course, not that impermeable, and they not only go hand in hand with more “general” history but are also quite clearly determinated by it while they, on the other hand, also influence it in a dialectic process.

It is precisely because of this relation between art and history, indeed, that, if Johnson’s aim was to paint an inmortal work, his timing could not have been better: first exhibited at the National Academy of Design in 1859, this painting reflected social contradictions and pressures concerning the “peculiar institution” of slavery and, more fundamentally, the role of black people in America that at this time not only dramatically affected the “understanding” between Northern industrialists and abolitionists and Southern slave-holders (eventually leading to the beginning of the Civil War in 1861) but also were both a main cause and a result of the ambivalence of the white Northern “liberals” themselves towards blacks. Negro Life at the South (later also called Old Kentucky Home after the name of a popular Southern song by Stephen Foster)[1] appeared at the end of the decade that had seen the phenomenon of Harriet Beechers Stowe’s bestseller Uncle Tom’s Cabin and the emergence of the Republican Party, which was openly, if moderately, against the expansion of slavery to the new territories the Union was rapidly gaining. It was, in other words, the decade in which abolitionism had come out of the political margins of Northern society and developed into a part of the mainstream American social discourse as expressed in “public opinion”. By the end of the 1850`s, abolitionism was socially accepted. It sold. It was chic.

Nevertheless, abolitionism was essentially a white ideology based on specific social relations. To begin with, it based, of course, on the indisputable white supremacy in the South, which it tried to alterate and reform (but not necessarily to eradicate[2]), but it also based on the fact that, at the time that now concerns us, just a really insignificant minority of the black population in the United States lived in the North, which means that a great part of the white Northern population had never seen a black person face to face in its life, and was not exactly very eager to do so[3]. Due to these social relations (and just for the sake of the argument taken here as a unitary movement, which it, as so many other movements and ideologies in history, was not), abolitionism could not help but being based on constructed, even stereotypical images of “black” which were not seldom directly adopted from Christian and biblical mythology, from nationally popular minstrel show’s characters and conventions, or from even more racist representations of dark-skinned people at the time[4]. Abolitionism was, from its inception, certainly not consequent anti-racism. It could be argued that it was not even always consequent anti-slavery[5]. It based on myths that were common to both Northern and Southern whites, and that had been created by white America to “explain” to itself and to everyone the reasons for its own “superiority” – and it based on the fear black people has historically caused among American whites, either as a simple irrational projection of those same myths or as an unconscious but somehow sagacious perception by the white establishment of the gravity of its crime, of the explosiveness and fragility inherent to the social system it presided. And it is exactly some of those myths and fears that are made visible in Negro Life at the South, a painting that did not even come from the most radical wing of abolitionism (the militant, John Brown’s or maybe Frederick Douglass’ line) but from an artist who came from a much more moderate milieu, an artist who, in Boime’s words, “became the favorite painter and portraitist of the self-made men in America”, who “bent over backwards in the pre-Civil War phase to give the Southern slave owners the benefit of the doubt”[6], who maybe even was against slavery because of its excesses but despised all forms of labor unrest in the industrial North, and whose main intention was to try to depict “reality” as he, and with him the core of the Northern American intelligentsia of the time[7], saw it. It is now time to begin to describe what they saw.

 

  1. Interpreting Negro Life at the South in its historical context

 

2.1. Negro Life at the South: a description

 

On the painting that concerns us, we have a group of black persons from different generations in the backyard of an old, very poor house, who enjoy their leisure time in many ways. Almost at the center of Negro Life at the South, for instance, there is a black man playing banjo with a somehow melancholic expression on his face, and he is being watched by a child who seems to be, in fact, deeply concentrating on the music. There are also four more children in front of them, who, although they are obviously not that interested in music as the first mentioned child, cheerfully play with or close to a young woman. One of this children even has eye contact with her, and the love with which they play, and with which this woman is obviously trying to make him dance to the banjo-music, could lead to the conclusion that they all are part of one single family. It is quite certain, at least, that this woman is the children’s mother.

To the left of this merry group, a little dog waits for this woman or these children to play with him. Beside him, there is a couple of black youths flirting with each other at the left side of the picture. That they are flirting is made quite clear by their body-language: they are abstrusely concentrating on each other, with the man inclined towards the woman, and with her looking timidly to her hands while she nervously make them hold and move something which shape, unfortunately, is not quite clear to determine on my copy of the painting, but could be a flower or a vegetable of some kind.

Above them, we can see a woman in the first story of the house looking out of a window with a child in her hands. She seems to be watching the spectacle of her peers having lots of fun. She is not the only one watching, though: on the far right side, in what is probably the most striking and most important element of the painting, we see a white girl (followed by another one whose skin-color I can’t really determine on my copy, but I think she is also white), preciously dressed, who timidly comes into this backyard-idyll through a wooden entrance which she is eager but somehow afraid to definitely trespass, as we can induce from the form she still has her hand on it and from her earnest face – a face-expression that she keeps even though one of the little children mentioned earlier is openly inviting her to come in and join the group. She obviously wants to, but she dubitates. The tension caused by this doubt is the only real tension of the painting: the whole rest of the scene, with all the black people enjoying life some way or another, is so perfectly picturesque, so transparently the result of the conscious composition of pictorial elements (colors and forms representing black people) to create a determinated visual effect (in this case, casualness, or an atmosphere free from sorrow), that it can even be called kitsch. It is, perhaps, too simple, or too straightforward: Negro Life at the South basically shows us, well, black people having fun.

 

2.2. Stereotypes and racist myths: a pro-slavery painting?

 

This could be easily seen as glorification of slavery, at worst, or at least as a visualization of the myth of the antebellum American South as a country of “innocence” and easy “lifestyle”, a country which tragically tried for too long to keep a system that, though not perfect, was suppossedly way better for the black people and for the poor in general than the North’s cold, unpersonal machine-world, specially after the “excesses” of abuse had been “corrected” towards the middle of the nineteenth century, partly as a direct response to abolitionist propaganda. Too bad, so the myth goes, that this paternalistic system based on Christian values and honour, in which racism did not and could not exist, because everybody had his place in society and there was no need for hating black people as long as they stay where they were suppossed to stay, was a “lost cause” (as the “cause” of the slaveholders later came to be known in more or less racist literature until it became an officially academic historical term) and had to inevitably disappear and give place to materialistic progress[8].

The painting has, undoubtedly, lots of elements that undermine an interpretation of it as a visual pamphlet for this pro-slavery legends that, with different emphasises and relatively tiny and circunstantial variations, were very much influential both to the North and South of the Mason-Dixon line before, during and especially after the Civil War. It shows, for example, an almost functional slave family, or at least one in which a mother plays with her child without apparent worries. While such family relations certainly existed among black people in the South, and were not seldomly even promoted by the slave-holders, because “the stronger the family attachments, the less likely a slave was to run away”[9], this painting lacks even the slightest hint that an immense number of slave familys was forcefully separated by the slave-trade[10]. Coming from a Northern painter in the eve of the Civil War, this is interesting, because precisely this slave-system’s inevitable “effect” was the main argument the mainstream abolitionists had to oppose slavery, usually basing this opposition on religious principles. Thus, the motif of the family being separated by Un-Christian Southerners had become a recurrent one in representations of American blacks by the middle of the nineteenth century, and a very common one, if not the most common, in abolitionist visual propaganda[11]. Its complete deletion from a portrait of a “typical” Southern black family, added to the flirting of the young couple mentioned earlier (which can be seen, after all, as the promisingly beginning of a new family), equals the denial of a social fact that in 1859 was not only well-known but maybe even overemphasized.

Most importantly, this picture shows black people’s life at the South as a life centred upon leisure time, not work. This is fairly similar to the already mentioned minstrel-show and other more or less blatantly racist depictions of blacks as good-intentioned but quite inept and lazy “Jim Crows” or as openly disrespectful, evil and arrogant but equally idle “coons”, both of which usually eat watermelons, steal chickens or, interestingly, play banjo, like the black man in the middle of Negro Life at the South does. The paternalistic, traditional conservative way of putting it was that black people did not have to work as hard as the industrial workers of the North, that slavery gave them a social security those industrial workers lacked, and which enabled them (the black workers) to enjoy life and the beautiful Southern climate in a way that would not be possible without the “peculiar institution”.

In fact, slaves did generally have to work very hard and for very long periods of time[12], which makes it implausible for such a daytime scene as the one the painting presents us to happen. Like James Oakes writes:

“on the well-managed plantation […] there were […] special rules for field hands, children and women. […] There were different rules for winter and summer, and rules for different days of the week. There were even rules requiring that rules be inforced uniformily. Slaves were to wake up and go to sleep according to the rules, and rules determined when they ate, how much they ate, and how their meals were prepared. Rules governed the slaves‘ intercourse with other slaves. […] For slaves there was no thing as a right of privacy”[13].

Even granting that the scene shown in Negro Life at the South, despite Johnson’s realistic intentions, is an artistic world in which the author has synthetized different aspects of reality and taken the “liberty” of depicting a numerically considerable group of black persons in the South that does not seem to have to work very hard during daytime, it cannot be denied that naming such an improbable agglomeration of blacks doing what they want to and not working at all “Negro Life at the South” more than implies that that is precisely black people’s life. From there, it only takes a step to repeat the slave-holders’ paternalistic views, and from there only one more to join the group of even more radical white supremacists.

It could be a Sunday, of course. But the problem is that black people in the South had often to work on Sundays, too, even if they were allowed to have “pauses” for going to mass. Besides, if it is a Sunday and that is the reason such a big and diverse group of slaves is simultaneously allowed some leisure time at daylight, why is the painting not titled “Sunday in the South”? It did not have to be called Negro Life at the South and thus be received, both in the North and in the South, as a seemingly objective visual account, masterfully done by a “realist”, of the essence of black’s life in America’s slavery system, which was, in the words of Oakes, one of the only “five genuine slave societies in all of human history”, because, withouth slavery, the “social pyramid” of the antebellum South “does not simply change […]; it collapses altogether”[14]. “Negro Life” in a system that not merely featured an special form of economic and social oppression that based on race concepts and on the total dehumanisation of black people but was so strongly characterized by this special oppresion that, without it, it could not exist, was surely, to say the least, a little more complex and “real” than the image the viewer gets from a “realist” painting like Negro Life at the South.

 

2.3.: The reception of Negro Life at the South: the girl to the right side of the picture and the fear of the white American man

 

But this did not annoy viewers at the time this painting was first exhibited; quite on the contrary, it reaffirmed Northern liberals in their convictions about black people’s peaceful “nature” as well as about their “innate” tendency to hang around and do nothing except for playing banjo (like the man on the painting), dancing (the little boy) and always seeking sexual intercourse (the flirting couple). “Doing nothing” meaning doing nothing for production, nothing to educate themselves and, most importantly, nothing to free themselves from the chains of slavery. Hence Northern whites’ perceived necessity, Christian obligation, or even burden, of having to paternalistically take up the struggle and put an end to a depraved system which existence was supposed to have been made possible, in the first place, by black people’s “innocence” and “incapacity” to rebel or to defend themselves against mistreatment. Blacks were not seen as subjects but just as either a merry, conformistic people that remained impassive even on the face of total degradation (like on Negro Life at the South) or as simple victims of sadistic abuse – abuse for which their own impassivity was mainly responsible, as was implicitly understood. As Stowe put it in the preface to Uncle Tom’s Cabin, “the object” of the novel was “to awaken sympathy and feeling for the African race […]; to show their wrongs and sorrows, under a system so necessarily cruel and unjust as to defeat and do away the good effects of all that can be attempted for them, by their best friends, under it”, for black people were “not naturally daring and enterprising, but home-loving and affectionate”, and also “an exotic race, whose ancestors, born beneath a tropic sun, brought with them, and perpetuated to their descendants, a character […] essentially unlike the hard and dominant Anglo-Saxon race”[15]. They did not only need help; they needed the whole fight done for them.

The reasons why the white intelligentsia of the North drew this conclusion basing on premises and stereotypes partially shared by the Southern slave-holders (who drew, of course, quite different conclusions from the idea of black people as a “childlike” race), and why it eagerly accepted this freedom-fighter role as if it was an imperative of fate, are diverse and both conscious and unconscious. The need to finally resolve the expensive and progressively more paralysing clash between two contraposed economic systems was certainly decisive, but not always or not even very often on the conscious level. Religious ideology and the certitude of being a “superior” race and thus being “beyond” treating other, “inferior” races, “uncivilizedly” was an important mobilizing factor.

But fear was a key element as well. For by the 1850’s, a decade also marked by Nat Turner and the fugitive slaves, black people were, despite their “innocence”, quietly and slowly, but obviously, beginning to actively rebel. The overwhelming majority of white people in America, including the abolitionists, feared nothing as much as too suddenly and too self-handedly freed slaves. While slave-holders viewed black people as savages tamed by slavery, and therefore blessed by it, Northern abolitionists, as was already stated, thought of blacks as of a “naturally” good, if “inferior”, race, that was being pushed towards violence, desperation, and the radicalism of considering themselves equal, by injustice and abuse. The fight against slavery, or at least against its worst and most scandalous features, was hence dictated by self-interest: as William Ellery Channing, an influential New England’s unitarian minister, and a moderate antislavery activist, wrote: “The African is so affectionate, imitative, and docile, that in favorable circumstances he catches much that is good, and accordingly the influence of a wise and kind master will be seen in the very countenance and bearing of his slaves”[16]. Slavery was, in the opinion of Northern liberals, a doomed system which the slave-holder oligarchy dangerously tried to violently preserve, even at the high stake of leading the whole country, and the whole white race, to the nightmare of having to experience blacks with guns. Logically, they thought it better to “free” the slaves and keep them subordinated[17].

On the painting this paper concentrates on, there is no direct and clear translation of this fear to pictorial signs. The viewer does not get the feeling that the black persons depicted could be capable of violence of any kind; the magnitude of the “catastrophe” of insurgent black people independently organized and outside the control of white leaders is not even hinted at in this work-of-art[18]. Negro Life at the South shows, however, an idly peaceful group of black persons as being observed by a young white woman who is, evidently, both deeply fascinated by and at least a little afraid of it. She is probably the plantation owner’s daughter, but what is important about her is, in my opinion, not really who she is but what she represents. Because, while her fascination can, and probably even should, be considered as a positive response to the black world from her part, it is useful to remember that nightmares frighten but also fascinate human beings.

In fact, the girl’s gaze resembles the “gaze” the Northern intelligentsia and the much less numerous Southern abolitionists (because there were some) threw on the black people, this great American “Other”: a fascination based on the very fact of the blacks being “others” and, thus, almost completely unknown, even to themselves. A fascination that, basing on a social fact like the existence of a population of very different kinds of persons condemned to eternally remain at the bottom of society because of their being part of a people that was not “a” people but a social layer defined on the basis of “the color of the skin” (a construction that, already at that time, was clearly, if not very consciously, seen as a construction –even if it was not called that way- each time the bastard children of a white man and his slave lover were sold), could not but also base on stereotypes and other social constructions fomented by -and also fomenting- ignorance about the object of the fascination, in this case black people and slaves, on all levels except for the superficial one of “knowing” that black people play banjo, eat watermelons, etc[19].

But the girl’s gaze on Negro Life at the South is also akin to the gaze of the paternalistic Southern slave-holders and racist yeomen themselves toward black people: a kind of ignorant and insecure (see the girl’s hand on the painting!) fascination very often only thinly veiling fear, and, under special circumstances (for example if the “fascinating” people refused to handle as the stereotypes expected them to – if they refused to smile, if they refused to play banjo and have lots of fun for the whites to come in and see), very likely to turn into the purest, blankest fear – or hate.

 

2.4. Negro Life at the South: an anti-slavery painting?

 

Thus, this painting conciliates Northern and Southern stereotypes, fears and attitudes towards slaves – that they were way funnier and happier than whites, that they were not specially hard-working people, that they could and should be kept in their place (either by maintaining slavery as a system or by freeing them from it before it was too late), etc. In fact, all the details mentioned until now would allow to judge it as a pro-slavery work of art, even if its author was certainly not a pro-slavery activist. However, when we consider the setting in which the scene of Negro Life at the South takes place, which is the backyard of an old, miserable house, dirty and full of diverse signs of decay (the axe carelessly left on the ground, as if to express the laziness of the slaves but also the laziness and economic ruin of the whole system itself; the broken windows; and especially the rotten beams that seem only to be waiting for something to happen to literally fall and bury everyone under them), we can arrive to a more relativized, if not completely different, interpretation. The house can represent, indeed, slavery as a wicked and evil system, and black people, while being -either by nature or by the influence of slavery- probably too dumb to notice, would then not be guilty of their idleness. It would be the system itself, the decaying surrounding of slavocracy, that promotes it and, actually, that is based on it, on idleness, on moral and economic deterioration. Moreover, if black people are not saved from this system, if not freed from it (because that they should not be allowed to free themselves is a given – and they still seem to be enjoying it, anyway), something terrible is going to happen. The whole house is going to collapse. And not just the blacks are going to be buried – not just their current way-of-life of playing banjo and dancing and flirting is going to be thoroughfully erased, maybe for another, more “frightening”, way-of-life to become the only possible way. Not only that: instead, the white girl who, on the painting, is coming to try to join the festivities may also be caught at the center of the catastrophe. She, the future white mother of the South, representing white women of the planter class generally, who [in opposition to black women] “under the conditions of slavery […] were placed on the proverbial pedestal, lauded for their sexual purity and maternal dedication and shielded to protect their putative delicacy and weakness”[20], and who, in the pseudo-feudal ideology of the South (which permeated to the North, and was also equivalent to similar gender/race-constructions there), was the most important thing (indeed, a thing) to defend, would be also buried by the catastrophe! She would either die with the slaves, then, or be hurt by the falling beams that would also hurt them, which meant nothing less than her blood flowing and being mixed up with the slaves’s blood, which would also be flowing, by the logic of chaos and destruction such a terrible event as the collapse of the whole “house” would generate.

I have to admit that this reading of Negro Life at the South as a painting portraying decay and an ephemeral calm before the storm is, of course, not only my own, except for the statement of the logical final consequences concerning the white girl to the right of the canvas, her purity and her blood, that this interpretation leads to. Quite on the contrary: even at the time this work was first exhibited and was quickly becoming a nationally celebrated piece of art, there were commentators who, while being surprisingly aware of the fact that the image of black people presented on this painting did not essentially differ from the image of black people provided by the propaganda of pro-slavery ideologues, also tended to give a political amnesty to it by emphasizing their conviction that the “objective”, the final “message”, was that the slavery-system was inevitably dying – which was an “objective fact” in which Northern intellectuals, based on the economic and statistic studies done by Hinton Helper[21] and other popular scientists, and also based on the moral and religious certainty of being on “God’s” and “justice’s” side, simply believed at the end of the 1850s. Thus, a critic wrote:

“How fitly do the dilapidated and decaying negro quarters typify the approaching destruction of the ‘system’ they serve to illustrate! And, in the picture before us we have an illustration also of the ‘rosewater’ side of the institution. Here all is fun and freedom. We behold the very reality that the enthusiastic devotees of slavery have so often painted with high-sounding words. And yet this dilapidation, unheeded and unchecked, tells us that the end is near”[22].

If this interpretation applies, then, the painting is actually a moderately or “realistically” anti-slavery one, even if it is decidedly not anti-racist and, even for its time, not radical. Its pretension of objectively and realistically portraying Negro Life at the South as a curiosity damned to pass away made it popular within the Northern abolitionist groups and Republican intellectuals, who were reassured by it in their vision of the bad-for-business slave-holding system, an anachronistic burden for the further development of American industrial society, disappearing along with the Democrats who politically represented slavocracy. On the other hand, the visual depiction of slaves as being exactly what the slave-holder class and its spokesmen said they were made it palatable to Southern viewers, also. Most importantly, it did not annoy the Northern establishment, because this image of black people was not fundamentally opposed at all to what many anti-slavery activists said, and surely not to what the majority of American white citizens thought of black persons at the time. As I have tried to make clear above, in fact, there did not exist any significant difference about what black people were, i. e. an inferior race, but mainly about how white people should handle them in order to keep them in their place.

 

  1. Digression: Johnson’s posterior representations of blacks

 

It is evident that, in the year of 1859, Johnson was not specially progressive in race-relations-issues. To his favor, he was probably not exactly the worst possible reactionary, either. But he certainly stood on the side of the “employer” both in the North and the South, and did not seem to make any real difference between “free labor force” there and “unfree labor force” in the South. He was, thus, objectively on the side of the slave-holders and their privileged position in society, even if he probably was all but delighted by their “methods”[23].

Wars and revolutions, however, do change consciousness at an incredibly rapid pace and affect sectors of the population previously dettached from historic flux. The American Civil War was both the biggest military conflict waged until that time, at least in the American continent (where it still is the biggest military conflict ever), and the second American Revolution, a war over regional rights and territorial questions that quite quickly developed into a social revolution fought for the extension of democratic rights to all American men and for the liberation of the subjugated black population – a revolution, furthermore, that, despite the wishes and the efforts of the white Northern establishment, was partially fought by the black population itself, either as regular soldiers in the Union army or as quiet saboteurs in the Southern “homefront”.

This most important event in American history could not but be reflected in Eastman Johnson’s art. He and huge parts of the intellectual layers of Northern society became, quite suddenly, radical abolitionists that, having denunciated the excesses of slavery before the Civil War without calling for black liberation and without abandoning points of view that tried to conciliate the Northern and the Southern oligarchies, were now for the immediate freedom of the slaves, for the incorporation of black soldiers in the army, and for the general “advancement” of the black people. Hence, the representation itself of black persons in Johnson’s paintings also radically changed: A Ride for Liberty: The Fugitive Slaves (1862 – App. 2) showed black people as active and corageous subjects that, far from always having “fun” in an Arcadian South, were ready to risk their lifes in order to escape from the hell of slavery; The Chimney Corner (1863 – App. 3), which depicts an old black man reading a book in the corner of a dilapidated but dign house, is a homage to the black people trying not to escape from the South and from their physical subjugation but also to educate themselves in order to rise psychologically and intelectually from it, to defeat slavery in their minds.

This is not to say that these and other Johnson’s paintings of the Civil War period did not present problematic images of black people. Fugitive slaves, for example, became especially popular motives in Northern art at that time because there were a lot of them in real life, indeed, but also due to the important fact that showing black people who left the South for the North implied that the life conditions for blacks in the North were considerably better (which they indeed were, to a certain degree) and that it was sufficient to get there to be “free”: in other words, that black people only needed to escape and not to actively combat the slavery-system and the white supremacy from within. To be in favor of independent black people’s action against the white establishment, of course, would have meant putting the Northern system and racist society at least potentially in trial, as well, and conceding blacks the right to be really considered equals, which was far from being Johnson’s and other liberals’ bias.

In the case of The Chimney Corner, the problem becomes clear when it is compared to another Eastman Johnson’s classic painting, Boyhood of Lincoln (1868 – App. 4): on this painting we also see a person reading on a corner, but the person not only is white but is also identified as Lincoln by the title. The little cabin where he reads looks less poor than the one where the black man of The Chimney Corner reads, but the main difference is that Lincoln’s cabin looks much more illuminated, too. And the boy, Lincoln, actively searches the light and sits with his head to it in order to read better and, symbolically, to be enlightened, to become a great man. The black man reads in darkness, and does not seem to be bothered by that. On the one hand, this could be interpreted as an allegory of the determination of the black people to emerge from the cultural and social abyss to which they were always condemned; on the other hand, it simply follows the traditional liberal/paternalistic pattern of presenting Lincoln and the white men who fought the Civil War as being more conscious, more heroic, more important and self-evidently more civilized than the slaves they supposedly “freed”.

These are, in my opinion, essential considerations and questions that would certainly deserve an own paper to be more deeply discussed; as this was intended as a digression, it shall be only stated that these paintings, even though they also reflected prejudices and historical discursive coordinates that could not be transcended (at least not by a moderate “realist” artist like Johnson), are surely more clearly progressive in their representation of black people than Negro Life at the South, show a much more mature and much more differentiating understanding of race-relations in America, and can help to refute any ahistorical thesis trying to characterize Eastman Johnson as thouroughly racist or as being simply too “innocent” to grasp the reality of actual “Negro life” at the South. Once again, ideologies and the relations between them, history and art are much more complex than that.

 

  1. Conclusion

 

Eastman Johnson’s Negro Life at the South is, in a way, a document of the last days of consensus among the intellectual, religious and political establishment in American history until, at least, 1877, the year in which the federal troops were retired from the South (an event that proved pivotal as the definitive end of the Radical Reconstruction) in order to be used, instead, to defeat by force a militant strike that had exploded in the West among the overexploited and predominantly immigrant railroad-construction-workers. Even then, in 1877, consensus had become a very different one from the consensus known to the Union bevore the Civil War. 1859 was, indeed, and despite all the “little” conflicts that had been adding up through the years, the last year of consensus in American history for a very long time. And Negro Life at the South is particularly interesting because it makes this consensus, which was neither monolithic nor stable, visible, because it somehow traduces this consensus and the ideas and sterotypes on which it based to artistic “terms”. That is the reason it is a “classic” American painting, and that is also the reason why it is important to show the way this consensus was constructed, to display the tensions within it, and furthermore (and precisely) to at least (like in this paper) implicitly criticize today’s “consensus” that considers Negro Life at the South a “classic” without always reflecting on the prejudices and the biased image of black people this painting visualizes and conveys. In doing this, in revealing the partial permanence of pre-Civil War thought-lines and of this ultimately racist “consensus”, we will not exactly be helping to “finish” the Civil War’s tasks (complete black liberation and integration in American society); maybe, however, we will at least be helping to show they were not finished. For an interpretation of a painting written by a dilettante like me, this was a big enough task… which hopefully explains why it probably could not be accomplished.

[1] Boime, Albert, The Art of Exclusion: Representing Blacks in the Nineteenth Century, London 1990, p. 109.

[2] Even if abolitionism had always been against slavery instead of often just against the most extreme and most visible abuse committed against blacks under slavery, the fact remains that slavery and white supremacy are not synonyms, as the whole history of race-relations in twentieth century America shows, and thus fighting for the abolition of the former is not the same, and is not even necessarily similar, to fighting for the end of the latter.

[3] For exact demographical information, see Wattenberg, Ben J. (ed.), The Statistical History of the United States. From Colonial Times to the Present, New York 1976, specially p. 22-23.

[4] For more information on the minstrel show and racist representations, see Berg, Charles Merell, „Theater and Musical Theater“, in Cayton, Mary K.; Gorn, Elliot J.; and Williams, Peter C. (eds.), Encyclopedia of American Social History. Volume III, New York 1993, p. 1859-1879; Lemons, J. Stanley, „Black Stereotypes as Reflected in Popular Culture, 1880-1920“, in American Quarterly, Spring 1977, p. 102-116; or the website www.ferris.edu/news/jimcrow/who.htm; among lots of other texts.

[5] William Lloyd Garrison himself, the founder of “radical” abolitionism in America, wrote in 1832: “Inmediate abolition does not mean that slaves shall inmediately exercise the right of suffrage, or be eligible to any office, or be emancipated from law, or be free from the benevolent restraints of gradualism” (my emphasis). Taken from Dillon, Merton L., The Abolitionists. The Growth of a Dissenting Minority, Dekalb 1974, p. 38.

[6] Boime, op. cit., p. 114.

[7] This was the very same intelligentsia that was fascinated by Uncle Tom’s Cabin, a book that, far from being anti-racist, has always been despised by radical civil-rights fighters as an instrument for the propagation of racist, if abolitionist, stereotypes. Dillon (op. cit., p. 71-72) puts it this way: “It probably is true that white abolitionists in general did not accept Blacks as full partners in the anti-slavery crusade […]. No doubt a significant number of white abolitionists possessed their share of the prejudices that afflicted most Americans of that day”.

[8] For more information on pro-slavery ideology and the “lost cause”, see Tise, Larry E., Proslavery. A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701-1840, Athens 1987; Williamson, Joel, The Crucible of Race. Black-White Relations in the American South since Emancipation, New York 1984; Wilson, Charles R., Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865-1920, Athens 1980; Michel, Sonya, “The Reconstruction of White Southern Manhood”, in Finzsch, Norbert and Martschukat, Jürgen (eds.), Different Restorations: Reconstruction and “Wiederaufbau” in the United States and Germany – 1865-1945-1989, Providence 1996, p. 140-164; or Nolen, Claude H., The Negro’s Image in the South. The Anatomy of White Supremacy, Lexington 1968.

[9] Oakes, James, “Slavery”, in Cayton; Gorn; and Williams (eds.), op. cit. Vol. II, p. 1407-1419 (p. 1417).

[10] As much as 600.000 slave-families were affected by these abuse. See Gienapp, William E., “The Antebellum Era”, in Cayton; Gorn; and Williams (eds.), op. cit. Vol. I, p. 105-130 (p. 110).

[11] See Boime, op. cit., chapter 3; or the whole part on “Slaves and Liberators” in Honour, Hugh, The Image of the Black in Western Art. Volume IV. From the American Revolution to First World War, Cambridge 1989.

[12] Which does not instantly mean that the industrial workers in the North had to work less or had an essentially better life-standard than slaves, at least in economic terms. It does not mean that black slaves worked productivelly, either: in Oakes’ words, “slavery actually provided little room for significant improvement in productivity. As laborers, the slaves had little incentive to care very much or to work very hard […]. The vast majority of slave laborers, the field hands, had no motivation to care very much about the success of the master’s efforts to produce a good crop” (op. cit., p. 1414-1415).

[13] Idem, p. 1415.

[14] Idem, p. 1407. The other four “genuine” slave societies were Greece, Rome, Brazil, and the Caribbean.

[15] From Stowe, Harriet Beecher, Uncle Tom’s Cabin or, Life among the Lowly, in Three Novels, New York 1984, p. 9, 118 and 9, respectively (the emphasis is always mine). Similar quotes can be easily found throughout the novel’s text.

[16] Quoted by Boime, op. cit., p. 111.

[17] This way of seeing black-liberation as a necessary step having to be taken by the superior white man found its artistic expression in lots of visual depictions of Lincoln and the freed slaves, as Boime consistently shows in the second chapter of his already cited book.

[18] A “catastrophe” so big, indeed, that a great part of the white intelligentsia found it necessary to fight the Civil War mainly in order to not let that“catastrophe” happen.

[19] A good example of a Northern “abolitionist” horrified by the real behavior of black people fighting to end their oppression is Harriet Beecher Stowe herself, whose “second antislavery novel, Dred, published in 1856, deals with a different kind of African-American, a rebel modeled after Nat Turner. It exemplified her basic revulsion to the idea of black retaliation against the whites. To Stowe a black rebel was clearly a warped and deviant personality” (Boime, op. cit., p. 112).

[20] From Michel, Sonya, op. cit., p. 142.

[21] His popular book The Impending Crisis in the South: How to Meet It, in which he explicitly blamed the “slavocracy” for leading the South to an economic catastrophe, was published in New York, interestingly, only two years before Negro Life at the South was shown to the public, in 1857.

22 Quoted by Boime, op. cit., p. 110-111.

[23] Boime speculates that, because of Johnson’s ties with New England textile industry that itself was closely connected to the planter-class of the South, he probably supported the party of slavery, the Democratic Party. Boime, op. cit., p. 114.

 

6. Bibliography

Articles

 

  • Berg, Charles Merell, „Theater and Musical Theater“, in Cayton, Mary K.; Gorn, Elliot J.; and Williams, Peter C. (eds.), Encyclopedia of American Social History. Volume III, New York 1993, p. 1859-1879.
  • Gienapp, William E., “The Antebellum Era”, in Cayton, Mary K.; Gorn, Elliot J.; and Williams, Peter C. (eds.), Encyclopedia of American Social History. Volume I, New York 1993, p. 105-130
  • Lemons, J. Stanley, „Black Stereotypes as Reflected in Popular Culture, 1880-1920“, in American Quarterly, Spring 1977, p. 102-116.
  • Michel, Sonya, “The Reconstruction of White Southern Manhood”, in Finzsch, Norbert and Martschukat, Jürgen (eds.), Different Restorations: Reconstruction and “Wiederaufbau” in the United States and Germany – 1865-1945-1989, Providence 1996, p. 140-164.
  • Oakes, James, “Slavery”, Cayton, Mary K.; Gorn, Elliot J.; and Williams, Peter C. (eds.), Encyclopedia of American Social History. Volume II, New York 1993, p. 1407-1419.
  • Pilgrim, David – „Who Was Jim Crow?“ – ferris.edu/news/jimcrow/who.htm – September 2000 – as visited January 18th 2002.
  • Pilgrim, David – „The Coon Caricature“ – ferris.edu/news/jimcrow/coon/ – Oktober 2000 – as visited January 18th 2002.

 

Books

 

  • Boime, Albert, The Art of Exclusion: Representing Blacks in the Nineteenth Century, London 1990.
  • Dillon, Merton L., The Abolitionists. The Growth of a Dissenting Minority, Dekalb 1974.
  • Honour, Hugh, The Image of the Black in Western Art. Volume IV. From the American Revolution to First World War, Cambridge 1989.
  • Nolen, Claude H., The Negro’s Image in the South. The Anatomy of White Supremacy, Lexington 1968.
  • Stowe, Harriet Beecher, Uncle Tom’s Cabin or, Life among the Lowly, in Thre Novels, New York 1984.
  • Tise, Larry E., A History of the Defense of Slavery in America, 1701-1840, Athens 1987.
  • Wattenberg, Ben J. (ed.), The Statistical History of the United States. From Colonial Times to the Present, New York 1976.
  • Williamson, Joel, The Crucible of Race. Black-White Relations in the American South since Emancipation, New York 1984.
  • Wilson, Charles R., Baptized in Blood: The Religion of the Lost Cause, 1865-1920, Athens 1980.

 

(Trabajo escrito en el año 2003).

(Crédito de imagen de thumbnail: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Negro_Life_at_the_South. Crédito de imagen de inicio de post: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eastman_Johnson).

 

Published by Roberto Ponce Cordero

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